When Indian nationalist leaders pushed back against British colonial rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, their resistance was not confined to political assemblies or protest marches. Education became one of the most contested and consequential battlegrounds of the freedom struggle. Nationalist thinkers recognized that a colonially designed education system – built to produce clerks and administrators for the British Empire – could never cultivate a truly self-reliant nation. The response was deliberate and transformative: a collective push to reshape what Indians learned, how they learned it, and in which language they did so. This educational awakening, driven by the national movement, left a legacy that continues to shape Indian higher education to this day.
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The demand for science and mass education
One of the most urgent critiques that nationalist leaders leveled at colonial education was its deliberate neglect of the masses. By 1911, approximately 94% of Indians were illiterate, a figure that had barely shifted to 92% by 1921 – a damning testament to the failure of British education policy to reach ordinary people. Colonial schooling, shaped by Macaulay’s 1835 directive, had focused on producing a class that was, in Macaulay’s own words, “Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect.” This approach prioritized Western sciences and literature delivered in English, concentrating resources on a small educated elite while leaving primary and mass education severely underfunded.
Nationalist leaders fought to reverse this. Gopal Krishna Gokhale introduced bills in both 1910 and 1911 in the Legislative Council advocating for free and compulsory primary education, inspired in part by the progressive model of the princely state of Baroda, which had already made primary education free and compulsory. Both bills were rejected by the British government, which cited reasons including lack of public demand and insufficient support from local bodies. Despite these setbacks, the pressure mounted. Nationalists also insisted that science and technical education be made central to the curriculum – not as an instrument of colonial administration, but as a tool for national development.
Madan Mohan Malaviya, in his 1911 prospectus for what would become Banaras Hindu University, captured this sentiment precisely: his plan called for science and technology to be placed at the heart of Indian education, arguing that science applied in the interest of ordinary people was the only route out of poverty. The demand for science education was not merely academic – it was deeply political, framing knowledge as a tool of liberation rather than colonial service.
The creation of Indian institutions
Perhaps the most enduring contribution of the nationalist movement to Indian education was the establishment of institutions that were explicitly Indian in vision, culture, and purpose. Three universities stand out as defining symbols of this era.
Banaras Hindu University (BHU)
Banaras Hindu University was founded in 1916 by Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya in Varanasi, with a vision that combined the best of traditional Indian learning with modern Western scientific knowledge. Malaviya had publicly announced his intent to establish the university at the 21st session of the Indian National Congress in Benaras in December 1905, reflecting how deeply the project was linked to the broader political aspirations of the independence movement. The institution was designed to be a residential and teaching university of the modern type – unlike existing universities, which were largely examining bodies – and modeled partly on the ancient ashram tradition of learning. BHU quickly became a site of nationalist intellectual energy, with alumni and faculty who went on to become prominent figures in India’s freedom struggle. Rajendra Prasad, who was nurtured within the university’s intellectual environment, later became India’s first President.
Aligarh Muslim University (AMU)
Aligarh Muslim University was founded earlier, in 1875, by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, initially as the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College. Sir Syed’s project was to modernize Muslim education by bridging the gap between classical Islamic learning and Western scientific thought, offering a curriculum that combined both religious and secular subjects. The establishment of AMU was a direct response to the British education system’s neglect and marginalization of the Muslim community, and it became a powerful symbol of Muslim empowerment in colonial India. Sir Syed also founded the Scientific Society in 1863 to translate Western scientific works into Indian languages, recognizing that access to scientific knowledge in accessible languages was essential for community advancement.
Visva-Bharati University
Visva-Bharati University was founded by Rabindranath Tagore in 1921, embodying a fundamentally different educational philosophy. Tagore believed that education should not be confined to textbooks or classrooms in the conventional sense, but should integrate art, philosophy, literature, and science in a holistic and creative environment. His vision was explicitly internationalist – the name “Visva-Bharati” itself means the meeting of the world and India – and it sought to synthesize Eastern and Western knowledge systems rather than privileging one over the other. Tagore’s approach challenged both colonial education and the more narrowly nationalist responses to it, insisting that education must nurture the full humanity of the student, not just produce a useful citizen.
Together, BHU, AMU, and Visva-Bharati represented three distinct but complementary visions of what Indian education could become: rooted in tradition, scientifically modern, and humanistically broad.
Debates on English vs. vernacular education
Running through all of these institutional efforts was a deeper and unresolved debate: should education in India be conducted in English or in Indian languages? This was not simply a linguistic question – it was a political and cultural one, touching on questions of identity, access, and power.
On one side, English was associated with modernity, scientific knowledge, and access to global ideas. British colonial education had brought with it concepts of democracy, scientific thinking, and individual rights that helped shape the intellectual foundation of the nationalist movement itself – a profound irony that many nationalist leaders acknowledged. Figures like Raja Ram Mohan Roy had earlier argued that English education was essential for engaging with Western scientific and political thought. Some nationalists continued to see English as a practical necessity for an educated class that needed to engage with global knowledge systems.
On the other side, leaders like Mahatma Gandhi were unequivocal advocates of vernacular education. Gandhi’s concept of Nai Talim, or Basic Education, placed learning in the mother tongue at its core, arguing that education rooted in the lived experience and language of ordinary people was the only education that could genuinely empower the masses. The Wardha Scheme of 1937, formulated by a committee under Zakir Hussain based on Gandhi’s ideas, proposed using Hindi as the medium of instruction until Class 7, with English introduced only from Class 8 onwards. The scheme focused on “learning through activity” and the integration of basic handicrafts into the curriculum.
The debate was never cleanly resolved. The nationalist movement broadly pushed for greater use of Indian languages, particularly at the primary and secondary levels, while recognizing that English would likely retain a role in higher education. The complexity of the debate reflected deeper tensions within Indian society – between elite and mass interests, between tradition and modernity, and between national unity and regional linguistic diversity. These tensions would not be settled by independence; they would be carried forward into every major education policy debate of the post-colonial era.
Impact on post-independence policies
When India became independent in 1947, it inherited a literacy rate of approximately 16% – a stark measure of colonial education policy’s failure. The eve of independence exposed just how comprehensively the colonial system had neglected mass education. The new government moved quickly to address this, and in doing so, drew directly on the ideals that nationalist leaders had articulated for decades.
The first major step was the appointment of the University Education Commission in 1948, chaired by Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, tasked with restructuring higher education to meet the aspirations of an independent nation. One of the commission’s most consequential recommendations was the creation of the University Grants Commission (UGC) in 1953, a body that would oversee and fund universities, ensuring academic standards and financial support across institutions – reflecting the nationalist conviction that the state had a responsibility to fund and democratize higher education.
The nationalist emphasis on science education translated directly into institutional policy. The first Indian Institute of Technology was established at Kharagpur in 1951, followed by similar institutions in Bombay, Madras, Kanpur, and Delhi. The government also produced the Scientific Policy Resolution of 1958, underlining the importance of cultivating science and scientific research as central to national development – an explicit echo of the nationalist demand for technical education that leaders like Malaviya had championed decades earlier.
The language debate found its partial resolution in the National Policy on Education of 1968, which recommended the three-language formula for secondary education – mother tongue or regional language, Hindi, and English. This was a compromise that acknowledged both the vernacular education demands of the nationalist tradition and the practical role of English in higher learning. The Kothari Commission of 1964-66, whose recommendations underpinned the 1968 policy, similarly emphasized that the mother tongue was the best medium for school and college education, while also advocating for equity, access, and the removal of educational disparities based on gender, location, and social background – goals that had been central to the nationalist educational movement from its very beginning.
The creation of institutions like BHU, AMU, and Visva-Bharati also set a precedent for how independent India would build its university network. In the decades following independence, India saw the establishment of numerous universities, institutes of technology, and research centers that drew on the nationalist ideal of integrating Western scientific knowledge with Indian traditions, expanding access while asserting cultural self-confidence.
The nationalist movement did not produce a single, unified vision for Indian education. It produced a productive tension – between English and vernacular, between science and tradition, between elite institution-building and mass literacy. That tension, never fully resolved, continues to animate debates in Indian education today. What the movement did establish, unmistakably, was the conviction that education is not a gift granted by a ruling power, but a right that a nation must claim for itself.
What do you think? Given that the English vs. vernacular debate was never fully resolved by the nationalist movement, do you think India’s current education policy strikes the right balance between the two? And how much of what Tagore envisioned for Visva-Bharati – holistic, integrative, humanistic education – do you see reflected in how Indian universities operate today?
References
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- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kothari_Commission
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